Find
Consult
Create
Share
For More Information
Excerpts from history textbooks
1. Industrialization | 2. Urbanization | 3. Living Conditions | 4. World Wars | 5. Politics and Social Movements
5. POLITICS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
5.1 Confederation Debates
84) What is "Rep by Pop" and why did Canada West demand it?
85) What was the Brown-Macdonald-Cartier coalition?
86) What were the principal forces driving the call for federation and how is it presented by Cartier and others?
87) What types of union did Macdonald and Cartier prefer?
88) What did Dorion think of the federation project?
89) How was the call for federation received in the Maritimes?
90) How did the colonies react to the federation project?
91) Under what circumstances did Nova Scotia and New Brunswick enter into Confederation?92) What was the division of governmental powers established by the British North America (BNA) Act of 1867?
5.2 National Policy and the C.P.R
93) In what context did Macdonald propose the National Policy?
94) What was the "National Policy" that helped Macdonald win the 1878 election?
95) Did the National Policy benefit all parts of Canada?
96) How was the National Policy received?
97) What role did the CPR [Canadian Pacific Railway] play in Macdonald's National Policy?
98) How did the new railways affect Western cities?
99) How did the CPR help Macdonald fight the Northwest Rebellion?
100) What did the completion of the CPR mean for Canada as a nation?
101) Did some Westerners dislike the CPR monopoly?
5.3 Women's Movements
102) How was the women's movement born, particularly in Québec?
103) What were the most important women's organizations in Canada at the close of the 19th century?
104) How did women's organizations come together at the close of the 19th century?
105) What were the main feminist issues in Quebec?
106) What was Nellie McClung's ?Mock Parliament? in Manitoba?
5.1 Confederation Debates
84) What is "Rep by Pop" and why did Canada West demand it?
"According to the Union Act, Canada East and Canada West were required to have the same number of members of Parliament. In 1841, equal representation favoured English-speaking Canada West whose population was smaller than that of predominantly French-speaking Canada East.
But the 1851 Census revealed that the population of Canada West had surpassed that of Canada East. The Clear Grits therefore demanded the implementation of ?Rep by Pop' (Representation by Population), or proportional representation based on the population of each of the two regions of United Canada. This form of representation would obviously favour English Canadians and was a source of growing concern among the French-speaking population of Canada East." [transl.]
Roy, Marcel, Dominic Roy. Je me souviens, Ottawa, Éditions du renouveau pédagogique Inc., 1995, p. 295.
85) What was the Brown-Macdonald-Cartier coalition?
"In 1864, the political situation in United Canada was alarming. The inability to achieve a double-majority vote led to a succession of five governments in a span of two years. This ministerial instability paralysed the government of United Canada.
George Brown, leader of the Clear Grits, decided to join John Alexander Macdonald, the Liberal-Conservative leader, and George-Étienne Cartier, the Parti bleu leader, to form a coalition government. In return, he asked that United Canada no longer be a legislative union, but a federal union.
The three leaders reached an agreement that proved satisfactory to each man:
o Brown achieved proportional representation at the federal level;
o Macdonald secured additional powers for the federal government;
o Cartier obtained a provincial government for French Canadians." [transl.]
Roy, Marcel, Dominic Roy. Je me souviens, Ottawa, Éditions du renouveau pédagogique Inc., 1995, p. 295.
"Although railways, protection for Canadian industry, and the need for a strong central government were the main forces behind Confederation, leaders like Cartier always explained the need for a federal union in terms of a new Canadian nation and ethnic harmony."
Dickinson, John A. and Brian Young. Diverse pasts, a History of Québec and Canada, Mississauga, Copp Clark, 1995, p. 216.
87) What types of union did Macdonald and Cartier prefer?
"Legislative union was the first choice of some leaders, such as John A. Macdonald. A legislative union would be more centralized, with the powers of government concentrated in one central authority. Municipal and county governments would be under the direct control of the central government. Great Britain and France are examples of legislative states.
Leaders such as George-Étienne Cartier preferred a federal structure as a way of distributing powers of government between the central or federal government and provincial governments. While a federation is more complex, it has the advantage of permitting fundamental policy differences among the provinces over important social and cultural questions regarding such areas as education and health."
Dickinson, John A. and Brian Young. Diverse Pasts, a History of Québec and Canada, Mississauga, Copp Clark, 1995, p. 218.
88) What did Dorion think of the federation project?
"After the Quebec Conference, the political leaders returned to their colonies to seek approval for the project from their respective assemblies and general populations.
In Canada East:
The Quebec Resolutions did not receive unanimous support in this province. The strongest opposition came from Antoine-Aimé Dorion's Parti rouge which regarded the federation project as unacceptable.
They opposed it for the following reasons:
o This federation would only be a 'legislative union in disguise.' Excessive powers given to the central government would render the small provincial governments irrelevant. The federal government would hold a right of veto (disallowance) over provincial laws.
o The project served to camouflage Anglophone business interests seeking to build an intercolonial railway at public expense.
o Through proportional representation and Anglophone control of the central government, the proposed federation represented a serious threat to the survival of Francophones and a further weakening of their minority standing.
o The inclusion of the Maritimes in the federation would increase the financial burden on United Canada without bringing an economic advantage in return [?].
Moreover, Dorion believed that the project needed to be approved by the population as a whole. In late November 1864, the principle of Confederation was denounced during many public assemblies in the Montreal region." [transl.]
Cardin, Jean-François, Raymond Bédard et René Fortin. Le Québec: héritages et projets, Laval, Éditions HRW, 1994, p. 255.
89) How was the call for federation received in the Maritimes?
The Maritime delegates returned from Québec city [1864] deeply divided over Confederation. The premier of Prince Edward Island, John Gray, was in favour of Confederation, but other Islanders were very upset after the Québec Conference. They thought it was an insult that the Island would receive only five seats in the proposed House of Commons. Why bother with Confederation when there were so few benefits? An election was held in December 1865 and an anti-Confederation party won. Confederation's fate was sealed, at least for now. Prince Edward Island would not be part of Confederation.
Many Newfoundlanders had similar doubts about joining Confederation. An organized opposition circulated a number of rumours: taxes would be increased to pay for Canada's debts; the tax money would benefit the Canadas as they used it to open up the West; Newfoundlanders would be forced to fight for Canada; and their fishers would be forced to serve in the new navy. The decision could wait until an election was held.
The premiers of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, Charles Tupper and Samuel Tilley, were strong supporters of Confederation. They believed it would promote their economies and protect their borders. The problem for both men was that there was strong, organized opposition in their provinces.
In Nova Scotia Joseph Howe, the former premier and a popular politician, led the anti-Confederation forces. In his newspaper he termed the proposed union, "Confederation-Botheration." Howe believed Confederation would mean higher tariffs and import taxes, so that manufactured goods coming into Nova Scotia would cost more. As well the province would lose its trading link with the New England states. [...] Faced with this opposition, Tupper did non bring the 72 Resolutions up for debate in the Nova Scotia legislature. He decided to wait to see what would happen in New Brunswick.
The population of New Brunswick was uncertain about Confederation. Some agreed with Tilley and saw Confederation as the key to New Brunswick's progress. The Intercolonial Railway would open up new markets for its natural resources. New Brunswick would no longer be a small and isolated colony but part of a great nation whose future was assured. Others thought Confederation spelled disaster for the colony. There would be higher tariffs on goods. There was no guarantee the Canadians would keep their promise about building the railway. It would make better sense to build a railway south to the United States where the market was ten times as large.
Deir, Elspeth, John Fielding, et al. Canada: the story of a developing nation, Toronto, McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 2000, p. 90.
90) How did the colonies react to the federation project?
When a vote was taken, representatives from Canada West supported the motion for a federal union fifty-four to eight. The Anglophone members from Canada East voted eleven to three in favour, but the Francophone members were almost evenly split (twenty-six for; twenty-two against).
The Atlantic colonies were not enthusiastic. Newfoundland (which participated in the negotiations) and Prince Edward Island refused to adopt the resolutions. The pro-Confederation party in New Brunswick was defeated; it took pressure from Britain to get New Brunswick to enter Confederation. In Nova Scotia, Charles Tupper's government avoided holding an election on Confederation knowing that the proposal would be rejected.
The final draft of the constitution was worked out in London in 1866. The British North America (BNA) Act was passed by the British Parliament with very little debate. The act, which took effect on July 1, 1867, united Canada East, Canada West, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick into one country.
Dickinson, John A. and Brian Young. Diverse Pasts, a History of Québec and Canada, Mississauga, Copp Clark, 1995, p. 220.
91) Under what circumstances did Nova Scotia and New Brunswick enter into Confederation?
The path to Confederation between 1864 and 1867 started as a search for a way out of the political deadlock in the Province of Canada. It led to the Charlottetown Conference, where delegates from the Canadas and the Maritimes colonies agreed in principle to a federal union. At the Québec Conference details of the new union were worked out in the form of the 72 Resolutions. However, the government in Prince Edward Island decided not to accept the resolutions. There were grave concerns in Nova Scotia, and in New Brunswick where the pro-Confederation forces lost an election on the issue. Confederation then appeared to be impossible to reach.
At this point, the British government signaled its support of Confederation. It told the Lieutenant-Governors to promote the idea. The ending of the American Civil War [1865] brought the renewed threat of invasion from the United States. The Fenian raids and the cancellation of the Reciprocity Treaty only added to that threat. In Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, government leaders accepted the idea of Confederation.
[...] On July 1, 1867, the new nation was officially declared.
Deir, Elspeth, John Fielding, et al. Canada: the story of a developing nation, Toronto, McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 2000, p. 98.
What did Confederation mean? The British North America Act established [in 1867] a federal political system with a central government in Ottawa and provincial governments in the four original provinces of Confederation. Each level of government had specific powers (see the accompanying box), with immigration and agriculture being shared responsibilities. Section 91 of the British North America Act outlined the central government's powers. Of particular importance was the federal government's responsibility for defence, criminal law, Native peoples, and matters connected to money and banking. The responsibilities of the provincial governments were described in sections 92 and 93. Section 92 provided for local governments (municipalities and townships) to be established by the provinces. The local governments administered local services: road maintenance, recreation, garbage removal, and fire and police protection.
Several clauses of the BNA Act emphasize that the Fathers of Confederation envisaged a strong, centralized state. The provinces were not allowed to alter the power of the federally named lieutenant-governors. A lieutenant-governor could block provincial laws by ?reserving? them for consideration by the federal government. In turn, the federal government could disallow any provincial law that it felt was not in the national interest. Also, all powers not specifically given to the provinces were reserved for the federal government.
|
Division of Powers Under the British North America Act | |
|
Section 91
|
Section 92
Section 93
|
|
Note: Agriculture and immigration are shared responsibilities (section 95). | |
Dickinson, John A. and Brian Young. Diverse pasts, a History of Québec and Canada, Mississauga, Copp Clark, 1995, p. 220-221.
5.2 National Policy and the C.P.R.
93) In what context did Macdonald propose the National Policy?
Sir John A. Macdonald was prime minister of the new [Canadian] nation for its first seven years. Then in 1873, a worldwide economic downturn struck. In Canada, businesses went bankrupt, banks failed, farmers could not get good prices for their crops, and thousands lost their jobs. Macdonald had to resign because of a scandal [?] For five years, the downturn brought the country to a standstill.
In 1878 Macdonald was reelected on a platform called the National Policy. The policy had three parts:
o Protection for Canadian industries
o Settlement of the West
o Completion of the railway to the West.
Deir, Elspeth, John Fielding, et al. Canada: the story of a developing nation, Toronto, McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 2000, p. 113.
94) What was the "National Policy" that helped Macdonald win the 1878 election?
Macdonald had another chance in the election of 1878. He put forward a National Policy to solve the country's problems. The policy aimed to encourage the development of Canadian industries and boost the Canadian economy. His plan was basically this:
o Keep cheaper American goods out of Canada.
o Encourage Canadians to buy goods made by other Canadians.
o Fill the rich prairie lands with settlers.
o Have the settlers buy manufactured goods made in eastern Canada. Let them sell their agricultural products to eastern Canadians. Encourage them to do all this by building an east-west railway.
The people of Canada supported the idea of the National Policy. Macdonald was re-elected. The railway project was on again!
Cruxton, J. Bradley, W. Douglas Wilson. Flashback Canada, Don Mills, ON, Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 154.
95) Did the National Policy benefit all parts of Canada?
A protective tariff for Canadian goods has always been controversial [?] The National Policy did not benefit all parts of the country; most of the new industries were established in central Canada. For example, the number of cotton mills in Québec and Ontario rose from four to seventeen between 1878 and 1884. These mills made great profits for their owners. The owners of the Hudon Mill in Montréal, for example, saw their profits triple between 1881 and 1883.
Dickinson, John A. and Brian Young. Diverse Pasts, a History of Québec and Canada, Mississauga, Copp Clark, 1995, p. 234.
96) How was the National Policy received?
"Tariffs were put on goods brought into the country that competed with Canadian-made goods. Canadian-made goods could then sell for the same price or less than American- and British-made goods. As most industries were in Ontario and Québec, the tariffs favoured this part of the country. People moving into the Western plains were expected to buy the farming machinery and other goods that the new industries produced. The railway would link the producers and the market in the West.
"The National Policy was in place for decades to come. To the Western farmers it seemed to protect rich industrialists in the East. They would have preferred to buy less expensive American-made goods. In time the policy led to feelings of bitterness in the West."
Deir, Elspeth, John Fielding, et al. Canada: the story of a developing nation, Toronto, McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 2000, p. 113.
97) What role did the CPR [Canadian Pacific Railway] play in Macdonald's National Policy?
The CPR was the cornerstone of the National Policy. The West could not develop as a center for agricultural export until goods could be transported in and out of the region. Macdonald also thought that the CPR could be a part of the British Empire's trading network by providing the means to ship goods to and from Asia. The construction of the CPR became the government's top priority.
Cranny, Michael, Graham Jarvis, Garvin Moles, Bruce Seney. Horizons: Canada Moves West, Toronto, Pearson Education Canada Inc., 1999, p. 186.
98) How did the new railways affect Western cities?
Many cities in Western Canada owe their existence to the coming of the railway. These cities were often early fur trade centers that were chosen as divisional centers for the expanding railways. As former fur posts, they were usually well situated for development.
Saskatoon, Edmonton, Prince George, and Prince Rupert were communities that were selected as divisional points on the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway [?]. At the mouth of the Skeena River, a location that was to become Prince Rupert was chosen as the railway terminus. Kamloops, already on the CPR main line, was chosen by the Canadian Northern as its major divisional point in the interior of the province. These cities, all well-situated, grew in such a way that they could take advantage of their hinterlands.
Cranny, Michael, Graham Jarvis, Garvin Moles, Bruce Seney. Horizons: Canada Moves West, Toronto, Pearson Education Canada Inc., 1999, p. 267.
99) How did the CPR help Macdonald fight the Northwest Rebellion?
In March 1885, the Northwest Rebellion broke out. [...] Because the federal government had to get troops to the Northwest [Manitoba] as quickly as possible, it needed to use the CPR. Unfortunately, four gaps broke the rail line north of Lake Superior. Soldiers crossed these gaps on foot, in one instance marching 18 kilometres across the frozen surface of Lake Superior.
However, Van Horne did manage to transport the troops with his typical efficiency, and the first soldiers arrived in Winnipeg in just five days. Thanks to the CPR, it looked as though the federal government could react quickly to a crisis.
Cranny, Michael, Graham Jarvis, Garvin Moles, Bruce Seney. Horizons: Canada Moves West, Toronto, Pearson Education Canada Inc., 1999, p. 191.
100) What did the completion of the CPR mean for Canada as a nation?
o One of British Columbia's conditions for joining Confederation had been honoured. Now the province was linked to Canada. The United Sates could not take over the whole Pacific Coast.
o Settlers could more easily reach western Canada. As farm populations increased, communities would grow around them.
o Movement was now faster and easier between the west and east coasts. This would encourage trade within the country, rather than with the United States.?
Cruxton, J. Bradley, W. Douglas Wilson. Flashback Canada, Don Mills, ON, Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 167.
101) Why did some Westerners dislike the CPR monopoly?
The railway was completed in record time and towns sprang up along the railway line. On the other hand, many Westerners, especially farmers, came to resent the CPR for its monopoly, since the company could charge whatever it wanted to carry prairie grain to markets.
Deir, Elspeth, John Fielding, et al. Canada: the story of a developing nation, Toronto, McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 2000, p. 175.
5.3 Women's Movements
102) How was the women's movement born, particularly in Québec?
Women did not have the same status as men. A married woman was considered by law to be a minor. She was totally submissive to her husband and was required to obtain his authorization to complete a transaction or sign a document. Young girls did not have the same educational opportunities as boys and very few had access to university. Women could not practice certain professions such as law or medicine. They did not have the right to vote or, even less, the right to become a Member of Parliament, city councillor or school trustee.
Awareness of these inequalities and this form of discrimination inspired a number of women to organize and fight for change. The women's movement first appeared in England, the United States and other countries before making its way into Quebec. It was the age of the suffragettes. In England, they organized hunger strikes and raucous demonstrations to win suffrage, or the right to vote. At first, Quebec feminists were mostly active in Montreal and were comprised of a small group of women from affluent backgrounds. Anglophones, largely responsible for launching the movement, were the most involved. Some Francophones, such as Marie Gérin-Lajoie, did participate but met with strong opposition. [transl.]
Charpentier, Louise, René Durocher, Christian Laville et Paul-André Linteau. Nouvelle histoire du Québec et du Canada, Anjou, Québec, Centre Éducatif et Culturel, 1990, p. 294.
103) What were the most important women's organizations in Canada at the close of the 19th century?
Two of the largest women's organizations at this time were the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) and the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). The YWCA was a major charitable organization. It helped train many working-class women, usually for work as servants in private homes. Adelaide Hunter Hoodless worked with the YWCA when she started her crusade for public health education.
Letitia Youmans founded the WCTU in Canada in Picton, Ontario, in 1874. She had been to the founding meeting of the American WCTU and was inspired to start a group like it for her home town. Like many women she had seen some of the tragic results of alcoholism. She told stories of drunken men freezing to death in snowdrifts or losing limbs because of frostbite.
By 1891 over 9000 women across Canada had joined local WCTU groups. The WCTU wanted prohibition, or a law to ban the sale or consumption of alcohol.
Deir, Elspeth, John Fielding, et al. Canada: the Story of a Developing Nation, Whitby Ontario, McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 2000, p. 299.
104) How did women's organizations come together at the close of the 19th century?
In 1893 the many women's organizations united to form the National Council of Women of Canada. Not all groups, or even all women, agreed with each other's aims. Adelaide Hoodless, for example, did not support the idea that women needed the vote. Yet working together in the National Council, the women were a powerful group. They learned how to attract publicity and speak in public. Their leaders put pressure on decision-makers, using letter-writing campaigns, petitions, parades, and delegations. In 1910 the National Council took up the cause of getting the vote for women.
Gaining the vote was an important victory for Canadian women. The campaign had been long, but it was not over quite yet. Women were still not legally considered ?persons,? and that would not change until 1929. A host of other inequalities would be challenged throughout the twentieth century.
Deir, Elspeth, John Fielding et al. Canada: The Story of a Developing Nation, Whitby Ontario, McGraw-Hill Ryerson Ltd., 2001, p. 301.
105) What were the main feminist issues in Quebec?
The first feminists demanded access to higher education and the liberal professions. They succeeded in opening a college for young women as well as securing the right of women to enroll in universities. They faced great resistance, however, from members of the different professions: lawyers, notaries and doctors fiercely opposed the entry of women into their ranks and their stubbornness lasted for many years. For example, women in Quebec waited until 1941 before winning the right to practice as lawyers, and until 1956 to become notaries.
The other key issue involved the struggle for the right to vote. In Canada, the fight was led by Nellie McClung. In Québec, two women, Idola Saint-Jean and Thérèse Casgrain, carried the torch of women's political rights for several years. They secured the right to vote at the federal level, starting in 1917, and this right extended gradually to the provincial level. Quebec, whose government strongly resisted until 1940, was the last province to allow women's suffrage.
In 1900, Quebec women had a status comparable to that of other Canadian women. By 1930, however, women's rights in Quebec were lagging behind. Although the situation had improved, progress came at a slower rate than elsewhere the result of a very strong resistance from the traditional, Francophone elites. [transl.]
Charpentier, Louise, René Durocher, Christian Laville et Paul-André Linteau. Nouvelle histoire du Québec et du Canada, Anjou, Québec, Centre Éducatif et Culturel, 1990, p. 296.
106) What was Nellie McClung's "Mock Parliament" in Manitoba?
Nellie McClung was fuming. From her perch in the visitors' gallery on January 27, 1914, the popular novelist and mother of five children was listening to Rodmond Roblin, Manitoba's Conservative premier, address the all-male Legislature. He was explaining why it would be dangerous to grant women the franchise, or the right to vote, in provincial elections.
I believe that woman suffrage [...] will break up the home; that it will throw the children into the arms of servant girls. The majority of women are emotional and very often guided by misdirected enthusiasms, and if possessed of the franchise would be a menace rather than an aid.
Roblin had challenged the women of Manitoba but McClung and her fellow suffragists, including the journalist Cora Hind, were up to the challenge. The very next night, they rented a theatre and staged a mock sitting of the Legislature in which all the members were women.
The women overacted to the delight of the packed house. But it was McClung, playing the premier, who turned in the most memorable performance. When a group of men pretended to plead for the right to vote, she responded in a perfect parody of Roblin. The audience howled with laughter as she said:
The trouble is that if men start to vote, they will vote too much. Politics unsettles men, and unsettled men means unsettled bills, broken furniture, broken vows and ? divorce [?] If men were to get into the habit of voting - who knows what might happen ? it's hard enough to keep them home now. History is full of unhappy examples of men in public life ? Nero ? Herod ? King John
Two years later women in Manitoba, British Columbia, Saskatchewan and Alberta won the right to vote.
Deir, Elspeth, John Fielding et al. Canada: the Story of a Developing Nation, Whitby Ontario, McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 2000, p. 298.