INQUIRY IDEA N°5 -FOR OR AGAINST CHILD LABOR?

Consult these excerpts linked to the Web activity Inquiry Idea #5 "For or against child labor?."

5. Which areas of the Quebec economy encouraged industrial development in the 19th century?
6. Why did some children work in the second half of the 19th century?
7. How did a father’s circumstances influence whether his children worked or not?
8. How did children from poor families help their parents?
9. How did the children of labourers go to school?
10. In what kind of factories did women and children work in Montreal in 1891?
11. Why was the enlistment of children a fundamental characteristic of the manufacturing sector in the 19^th century?
12. What were industrial schools in Quebec?
13. What was a reformatory school in Quebec?
14. What was the level of education among the working class?
15. Which laws placed restrictions on child labour in Quebec?
16. How did the law on masters and servants (in Quebec) favour employers?
17. Why did Jean-Baptiste Gagnepetit consider factory apprenticeships to be “slavery in disguise?”
18. What were the circumstances of young people working in cigar and tobacco factories?
19. Factory inspectors were called upon to do what?
20. What was the first practical step towards compulsory education in Quebec?

 5) Which areas of the Quebec economy encouraged industrial development in the 19th century?

“Tariff protection and cheap labour contributed to industrial development in Quebec, although a majority of production was limited to consumer goods. Quebec’s main industries during this period were the textile, leather, tobacco and garment trades. As these were light industries that did not require specific skills or brawn, they were well suited to working women and children.

[…]

“It must be said that preventive measures didn’t always sit well with the bosses. For example, some protective equipment had the potential to limit the efficiency of workers. In such cases, it was very difficult to convince employers of their importance.” [transl.]

Crevier, Claudette. “État et travail des enfants au Québec (1880-1900)”, Thesis presented as part of a Master’s in History at the Université du Québec à Montréal, 1992, p. 45, 78.

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 6) Why did some children work in the second half of the 19th century?

“Child labour, of boys under twelve and girls under fourteen, was prohibited in both Ontario and Quebec in the 1880s, but the law was impossible to enforce. In Nova Scotia boys had to be at least ten years of age before they could be employed and could not work for more than sixty hours a week until they were twelve! Child labour was not the creation of wicked capitalists alone: it was a conspiracy of parents and employers. The child needed training, the parents needed the money the child brought home, and the employers needed labour. This did not make child labour any less reprehensible, but the blame has to be apportioned. And the city family was an offshoot of the farm family; children worked long hours in both places.”

Waite, Peter. “Between Three Oceans: Challenges of a Continental Destiny (1840-1900)”, in Illustrated History of Canada, Craig Brown (ed.), Toronto, Key Porter Books, 2000, p. 344.

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 7) How did a father’s circumstances influence whether his children worked or not?

“The father’s work and health were the most important factors explaining the employment of young children. Most youngsters under fifteen worked because their father had died, was sick, drank, or earned insufficient wages.”

Bradbury, Bettina. Working Families: Age, Gender and Daily Survival in Industrializing Montreal, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 1993, p. 125.

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 8) How did children from poor families help their parents?

 “The insecurity of family finances brought enormous pressure to bear upon the children who were expected to enter the work force at the earliest possible age. Large numbers of children were involved in part-time work as messengers, delivery boys, newsboys, and in home workshops. Official statistics vastly underestimated the extent of paid child labour of hundreds of young girls who were used as full-time baby sitters. The large numbers of ten to fourteen-year-old girls who were not in school and are not accounted for in the labour force were often taking care of the home while their mothers worked. Ames’ figures indicate that one in every five adult workers was a woman. The working class tobacco companies, food processing concerns, retail stores, and in domestic service. Her wages, low as they were, often made the difference between bare subsistence and a modest “prosperity” for her family.”

Copp, Terry. The Condition of the Working Class in Montreal, 1897-1929. The Anatomy of Poverty, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1974, p. 29. 

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 9) How did the children of labourers go to school?

“Schooling and work were not mutually exclusive for nineteenth-century children either in the urban working class or in the rural areas. Children often attended school for several months, leaving when required for family or personal reasons. In this, their patterns of schooling resembled those of rural children kept home to help with such seasonal work as planting and harvesting. Children attending pretty well full time could still use the hours after classes to scrounge, beg, or otherwise raise money for themselves or their families. Some of the “little children” selling papers in the streets late at night may well have been working late to combine earning and schooling.”

Bradbury, Bettina. Working Families: Age, Gender and Daily Survival in Industrializing Montreal, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 1993, p. 124.

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 10) In what kind of factories did women and children work in Montreal in 1891?

Manufacturing Activities Employing the Largest Number

of Women and Children in Montreal in 1891

Source: Canada Census, 1890-1891, Vol. III, Table I, pp. 2-387, passim.

“So, 82% of the female workforce worked in these eleven manufacturing sectors, and 51% of the juvenile workforce worked in nine sectors. Workers were distributed in the following way: 18% in tailoring and draperies, 11% in shirt, tie and detachable-collar making, as well as shoe repair and sewing. As for the juvenile workforce, 12% worked in shoe repair, 5% in sewing workshops, in foundries, in gas production, and in tailor and drapery workshops. Women and children composed 33% of the manufacturing workforce. In fact, this proportion was significantly higher in the types of activities mentioned above. Note the progression: 36% in shoe repair, 40% in cigar making, 44% in confectioneries, 56% in tobacco preparation, 58% of furriers and hat makers, 65% in rubber factories, 66% in drapery workshops, 80% in shirt, tie and detachable-collar making, 98% of milliners and dressmakers.” [transl.]

Bonville, Jean de. Jean-Baptiste Gagnepetit, Les travailleurs montréalais à la fin du XIX^e siècle, Montréal, Les éditions de l’Aurore, 1975, p. 36.

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 11) Why was the enlistment of children a fundamental characteristic of the manufacturing sector in the 19^th century?

“The enlistment of thousands of children as workers in Montreal businesses reveals an aspect of industrial society that has nearly vanished today, but was fundamental to 19^th century manufacturing. For many working families, basic survival was a daily challenge. Supplementary income was needed as families grew and more mouths had to be fed. Children’s wages provided an important second income. And for sons of working-class families, joining their fathers in the factories was the only option. Limited schooling would have to suffice for children whose horizons were limited to urban factories. Accordingly, the Industrial Revolution expanded the industrial enslavement of children. Montreal, no less than any other industrial city of the day, did not escape this reality.” [transl.]

Bonville, Jean de. Jean-Baptiste Gagnepetit, Les travailleurs montréalais à la fin du XIXe siècle, Montréal, Les éditions de l’Aurore, 1975, p. 55.

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 12) What were industrial schools in Quebec?

“According to a law passed in 1869, the objective of industrial schools was “to prevent delinquency among lost or abandoned children.”

Joyal, Renée. Les enfants, la société et l’État au Québec, 1608-1989 Jalons, Montréal, Éditions Hurtubise HMH, 1999, p.72.

“Industrial schools were obliged to instruct and raise the children they agreed to enrol, as well as insure their subsistence. These schools did not come under the Department of Public Instruction or Department of Education from 1875 on or, from 1875 on, the Department of Education, but rather the Provincial Secretary. School programs were set up through the goodwill and resources of those who ran them.

 […]

“A placement order amounted to an order to detain someone for a specific term, which could not extend past age 16. Leaving the school without permission was considered an escape and punished accordingly in some cases. After a boarding period, the child was sometimes allowed to live on the outside or was placed in an apprenticeship, but always under the supervision of school officials. Specific measures were taken to give the child a religious education and upbringing.

“The responsibility for financing these institutions was divided in part between the provincial treasurer and the relevant municipality. If they had the means, parents would make a sizable contribution since it was they who requested ‘the internment’ of their children.” [transl.]

Joyal, Renée. Les enfants, la société et l’État au Québec, 1608-1989 Jalons, Montréal, Éditions Hurtubise HMH, 1999, p. 69.

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 13) What was a reformatory school in Quebec?  

“According to a law passed in 1869, the reformatory school sought “the rehabilitation of juvenile delinquents.”

Joyal, Renée. Les enfants, la société et l’État au Québec, 1608-1989 Jalons, Montréal, Éditions Hurtubise HMH, 1999, p.72.

“Reform schools were mandated to receive, support and raise juvenile delinquents, up to the number prescribed by their certificate. The principal [of a reform school] could […] “contract out” a child through an apprenticeship agreement or for domestic service outside of the school. The work was performed for free, on condition the master provided the child with food, support and lodging.” [transl.]

Joyal, Renée. Les enfants, la société et l’État au Québec, 1608-1989 Jalons, Montréal, Éditions Hurtubise HMH, 1999, p. 74.

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 14) What was the level of education among the working class?

“The lack of schooling in factories was obvious: ignorant children were incapable of stating their own age and uneducated adults could not read and write. This meant that employers had to hire educated workers from outside the country to perform duties for which the Canadian workforce was not trained.” [transl.]

Crevier, Claudette. “État et travail des enfants au Québec (1880-1900)”, Thesis presented as part of a Master’s in History at the Université du Québec à Montréal, 1992, p. 50.

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 15) Which laws placed restrictions on child labour in Quebec?

                     LAWS RESTRICTING CHILD LABOUR IN QUEBEC

1885	(C 32)	For businesses of 20 employees or more Minimum age: 12 years - boys                      14 years - girls Age certificate required for those under 14 years
1888	(C 49)	The preceding law applies to all factories and plants.
1890	(C 26)	For businesses deemed unfit and dangerous Minimum age: 16 years - boys                      18 years - girls For tobacco and cigar businesses Minimum age: 14 years - boys                      15 years - girls
1892	(C 20)	For mines only Minimum age: 15 years for boys working underground Prohibited for girls No minimum age for metals mines
1894	(C 30)	Repeal of the 1890 clause In tobacco and cigar factories Minimum age:  12 years – boys                       14 years - girls
1903	(C 30)	In factories and plants The minimum age is raised to 13 years for boys and remains at 14 years for girls.
1907	(C 39)	The minimum age for boys and girls is 14 years. Educational requirements: persons 16 years of age and under must read and write or attend evening classes.
1919	(C 50)	Minimum age: 16 years for those unable to read or write fluently, although the inspector can issue a work permit if an individual is attending evening classes.
1934	(C 35)	Stores are bound by legislation pertaining to industrial facilities.

Source: Statuts du Québec, 1885 à 1934 [transl.]

Crevier, Claudette. “État et travail des enfants au Québec (1880-1900)”. Thesis presented as part of a Master’s in History, Université du Québec à Montréal, 1992, p. 224.

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 16) How did the law on masters and servants (in Quebec) favour employers?

“Adoption of the Master and Servant Act (S.Q.1881, C 15). […] Although it did not mention them, this law directly affected minors since it applied to apprentices, servants, journeymen or day labourers. It gave rulings on various contract breaches or binding agreements between masters and servants.

“A justice of the peace would consider all complaints about employees who failed to perform their duties, were lazy, careless or disobedient, or quit their jobs prematurely or without giving proper notice. Employers who were cruel to a worker or failed to provide him with healthy food in sufficient quantity were subject to the same type of proceedings.

“Offenders faced a maximum penalty of 20 dollars. The law was in force throughout the province, except for Montreal and Quebec City and in other cities or municipalities where regulations governing the relationship between masters and servants had been adopted.

“In reality, this law was a powerful tool for employers to use against their employees. With the birth of industrialization, bosses and their foremen could enforce a rigorous discipline inside factories, especially towards children who held bottom-end jobs.” [transl.]

Joyal, Renée. Les enfants, la société et l’État au Québec, 1608-1989 Jalons, Montréal, Éditions Hurtubise HMH, 1999, p. 86-87.

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 17) Why did Jean-Baptiste Gagnepetit consider factory apprenticeships to be “slavery in disguise?”

“In pre-industrial economies, at a time when guilds flourished, apprenticeships played an essential role in maintaining the trades. The apprentice was made a part of the master’s family and was not paid. Later on, the growth of factories, the division of labour and the simplification of work made the long apprenticeships of yesteryear obsolete. Apprentice wages were introduced. In the 19^th century, the term ‘apprenticeship’ survived but no longer meant extensive training in the mechanics of a trade. The apprentice, in a manufacturing outfit, became a kind of gofer, responsible for secondary tasks, errands and housework. There had been no law defining the role of apprentice, although the term was referred to in the Manufacturers Act [Quebec law, passed in 1885]. Jean-Baptiste Gagnepetit [pseudonym for Jules Helbronner] severely criticized that which remained of the old apprenticeship system as well as the methods by which employers ensured the obedience of their apprentices:

“I saw many cases and they were all the same. The child was paid, he didn’t complete his task and so was abused; he left and his master, armed with this ridiculous masters and servants law that is part of the rulebook in good old Montreal, demanded punishment, imprisonment, or the child’s return to what is little more than slavery in disguise [La Presse, December 6, 1884].

“[…] Workers’ representatives, following the example of Jules Helbronner, called for an end to all activities they considered to be slavery. To learn the trades, they proposed technical schools such as those which were spreading across France and the United States.” [transl.]

Jules Helbronner, La Presse, 12 juin 1885, as quoted by Crevier, Claudette. “État et travail des enfants au Québec (1880-1900)”. Thesis presented as part of a Master’s in History, Université du Québec à Montréal, 1992, p. 60.

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 18) What were the circumstances of young people working in cigar and tobacco factories?

“The Royal Commission Report (1886-1889) revealed that large numbers of boys and girls, approximately 10-years-old, had been discovered working in cigar and tobacco factories. Some young witnesses, barely 14-years-old, had completed their apprenticeships. ‘The problem was made even more apparent in these cases since tobacco had clearly stunted the growth and contaminated the blood of the children.’ Testimonials given to the Commission in Montreal (1888) indicated that 'cigar factories were almost exclusively staffed with young boys, designated as apprentices’ [La Presse, May 30, 1890]. The journeyman cigar-maker was in the process of disappearing in favour of machines that could be manned and operated by a child. This system established itself slowly and the bosses had ‘a tactic whereby any apprentice who aspired to journeyman was dismissed and replaced by another apprentice at once [La Presse, May 30, 1890].” [transl.]

Crevier, Claudette. “État et travail des enfants au Québec (1880-1900)”. Thesis presented as part of a Master’s in History, Université du Québec à Montréal, 1992, p. 87-88.

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 19) Factory inspectors were called upon to do what?

“It must not be forgotten that the mission of factory inspectors is essentially philanthropic; that their work must always manage to bring together two parties of opposing interests, and that they be faithful at all times to the principle of fairness as it applies to questions affecting the rights of employers and the needs of workers.  Harmony between bosses and workers must the sole object of their mission since the solidarity of both parties’ interests, once it is well understood by all, is the most effective path to a common prosperity.” [transl.]

Rapports des inspecteurs des manufactures, 1890, par Claudette Crevier. “État et travail des enfants au Québec (1880-1900)”.  Thesis presented as part of a Master’s in History, Université du Québec à Montréal, 1992, p. 57.

Rapports des inspecteurs des manufactures, 1890.

“With respect to our law, the fines that can be imposed are so insignificant that even when he wins his case, the inspector will have spent more in court costs than the maximum penalties imposed on factories.” [transl.]

Louis Guyon, Rapports des inspecteurs de manufactures, 1890, cité par Claudette Crevier. “État et travail des enfants au Québec (1880-1900)”. Thesis presented as part of a Master’s in History, Université du Québec à Montréal, 1992, p. 62.

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 20) What was the first practical step towards compulsory education in Quebec?

“The first concrete step towards the establishment of compulsory education in Quebec was taken on March 5, 1901 when Dr. Tancrède Boucher of Brosbois, the elected member for Shefford, tabled a bill in the National Assembly ‘in reference to providing better support for public schools.’ According to this bill, parents or tutors would be obligated, under threat of a fine, to send children between 8 and 13 years of age to local schools for a minimum 16 weeks out of the school year. Measures were taken to respect the religious beliefs of both Catholics and Protestants. A very interesting National Assembly debate would follow.” [transl.]

Audet, Louis-Philippe. Histoire de l’enseignement au Québec, Tome 2, Montréal, Holt, Reinhart et Winston Ltée, 1971, p. 248-249.

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